The Greeks of Habsburg Vienna are the hundreds of merchants mainly from western Macedonia, Epirus and Thessaly (the Karagiannis, Sina, Doumba families, etc. were distinguished for their national work and social solidarity) and the dozens of scholars (Anthimos Gazis, Neophytos Doukas, Theoklitos Farmakidis, Dimitrios Darvaris, etc. were distinguished for their intellectual contribution), who lived in Vienna mainly after 1740 until the 1820s. Particularly after the Peace Treaty of Pasarovich (1718) and the imperial decree of 1725, which allowed wholesale trade by Ottoman subjects, the Greeks took control of trade between the East and Central Europe. The intense commercial activity of the Greeks of Vienna enabled them to create great wealth. Several of them developed into powerful economic agents in Austria. At the same time, many scholars from enslaved Greece had settled in Vienna to study, write, publish books and transfer knowledge to the Greeks, essentially preparing the rebirth of the Nation. Also, starting in 1784, newspapers and magazines were published in the Greek language. The Zakynthian Georgios Bendotis published the first newspaper entitled "Postman of Vienna". This was followed, in 1790, by the "Ephemeris" of the Siatistin brothers Markidon-Poulio, in whose printing house Rigas Velestinlis printed his revolutionary proclamations and Thurios. Subsequently, "Hermes the Scholar" and "News for the Eastern Regions" were published, which was replaced, in 1812, by the newspaper "Hellenic Telegraph", which was published until 1836. In 1819, the magazine "Calliope" was published by Athanasios Stageiritis, which, like "Hermes the Scholar", ceased publication in 1821. The churches of St. George and the Holy Trinity, in the heart of the Greek neighborhood in the center of Vienna, were unfading beacons for Hellenism in Vienna, where there was also the "hangout" of the Greeks, the famous Greek salad (Greek box). It was deemed appropriate to precede the commercial, publishing and educational activities of the Greeks with a brief historical reference to the House of Habsburg, since its history essentially coincides with the History of Austria until the dissolution of Austria-Hungary in 1918.

Tomorrow's global challenge is a collective work of ELISME, written by twelve authors and aims to fill at least part of the large gap that exists in the Greek bibliography on Africa. Its twelve chapters examine the past and present, as well as the medium-term and long-term prospects of the dynamic African continent, and highlight individual open problems as well as others that may arise both from local internal developments and from the involvement of the great powers, which have engaged in an increasingly intense competition to secure, on the one hand, raw materials, and on the other, geopolitical bases supporting their economic interests in the international arena. International competition in Africa is not something new, but the form of the current international system explains to a satisfactory extent the developments regarding the movements of international actors and its impact on the African continent. On the other hand, local internal problems, such as those in Libya, the Sahel and the Horn of Africa, combined with active terrorist organizations and rapid demographic developments throughout Africa justify skepticism about the possible impact that African developments may have on Europe and in Greece in particular. In the current transitional period, Greece seems to be able to strengthen its presence in Africa through a methodical economic diplomacy, which will be supported by a corresponding cultural diplomacy. Its comparative advantage is that it is a medium-sized European economy without a colonial past and predatory ambitions. It also has a number of small and medium-sized businesses that can transfer their knowledge and experience to Africa.

This book methodically analyzes the gradual weakening of the Ottoman Empire, starting with the second failed siege of Vienna in 1683. The Austro-Turkish and Russo-Turkish wars played a significant role in the Ottoman decline, which resulted in, on the one hand, Austrian expansion into the northwestern Balkans, culminating in the Peace Treaty of Belgrade (1739), and on the other hand, Russian expansion into the northeastern Balkans, culminating in the year 1774, when the Treaty of Küçük Kaynarci was signed, by which Russia acquired territories and the right to protect Orthodox Christians in the Ottoman Empire. The intra-Balkan diplomatic negotiations from the mid-19th century were also essential.^th century until the beginning of the 20th^th century, mainly between Bulgaria, Serbia and Greece (including the attempts made to create a Balkan federation) but also the multiple confrontations between them concerning the Macedonian Question. This was followed by a short period of fruitful understanding between these three competitors, the culmination of their cooperation being the positive outcome of the First Balkan War, with the participation of Montenegro. The Second Balkan War and even more so the two World Wars divided the Balkans, under the shadow of the Great Powers. The situation that developed after the end of World War II was also divisive, since the Balkans had been "divided" by the Yalta Agreement. The peculiarity of socialist Yugoslavia is analyzed, which after the Stalin-Tito split created the coalition of non-aligned countries together with India and Egypt. The course of the dissolution of Yugoslavia into seven independent states is also presented, while emphasis is placed on the foreign policy of Greece regarding the approaches of the Balkan states in the period 1946-1990. Finally, the political and economic post-communist developments by country (including the energy factor) and the bilateral relations of Greece with the post-communist Balkan states are analyzed.

In the book, the reader is met with a compendium of versions of a number of issues and questions, related to philosophy in all its fields of consideration, which cause the thinking person to penetrate into the sphere of Untruth. Where Untruth is the resistance to oblivion, to deception, to error. On the other hand, it is the duty of thought and spiritual honesty. Here the reader is forced to reconcile philosophy, the physical verification of phenomena with a basis, such as the familiar - as far as possible - understandable Earthly reference system. With our own metaphysical, almost qualitatively inexact curiosities, where - as a fact - there is no possibility of answering scientifically except with expressed assumptions of those who invoke the revealed.

The book reflects the author's painstaking effort to blend philosophy with the possible applications of its theoretical dimension in today's world. That is, where a small number of muses-loving and studious people subconsciously act on the concerns of ancestral philosophers. Those timeless thinkers, characterized as pioneers of today's infinite planetary noosphere.

On the one hand, it concerns the countries that constitute our Balkan environment (Albania, North Macedonia, Bulgaria) as a bridge connecting Greece with the rest of Europe. On the other hand, it analyzes Greece's bilateral relations with the countries of its geographical environment to the East and to the South (Turkey, Israel, Egypt, Libya), which play a special role in the complex international issues of the Eastern Mediterranean and the wider Middle East and Africa.

H An analysis of Greece's geographical surroundings helps us to highlight its pivotal geopolitical importance and to highlight its potential for a positive presence in the interactive data related to the Balkans and the Middle East/North Africa, regions colored by historical conflicts and perpetual tensions, where in addition the strategic interests of Great Powers clash.

Anchialos, in a key position for the defense of the empire, was both a naval base for Byzantine warships and the center of land operations in the eastern region of the Aemos. It was accessible by both land and sea and was the most important port city in northern Thrace. Byzantine galleys docked in its harbor and transported Byzantine troops to the Danube. In 585, Emperor Maurice sent the general Komentialos to the camp of Anchialos to confront the raids of the Avars. The general singled out the strongest soldiers from the crowd and sent them against the enemies, led by the generals Martinus and Castus. The latter defeated the Avars with a surprise attack and took a lot of loot.⁵

Mesimvria was an important strategic fortress of the empire on the western coast of the Black Sea, forming, together with the fortresses of Chersonesos and Sinope, a military triangle for the security and control of the Black Sea region and one of the most fortified and economically powerful Byzantine cities of the Aemos Peninsula in the 7th century. The city was located near the eastern crossings of the Aemos, so it was a key position for their defense against invaders, who aimed to attack the capital itself. The head of the administration was the Archon of Mesimvria and bore the title of consul and imperial spathiphyllum.

On January 1, 2024, a Memorandum of Understanding was signed between the Ethiopian government and the Somaliland authorities for the lease of a coastal area around the port of Berbera to landlocked Ethiopia for fifty years for military and commercial purposes in exchange for the recognition of Somaliland as an independent state and the granting of a share in the state-owned Ethiopian Airlines. The Somali government described this action by Ethiopia as a “hostile move”, refused any discussion on the port issue and recalled its ambassador from Addis Ababa. In addition, it fled to the African Union and rushed to conclude a military agreement with Turkey. It is estimated that the Ethiopia-Somaliland agreement was brokered by the UAE, which had provided significant military support to the Ethiopian government in the war against Tigray.

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Unlike Libya and Tunisia, Algeria is a leading African state, with a large area, a large population and rich in oil and natural gas. However, the US recognition of Morocco's sovereignty over Western Sahara left Algeria no choice, which strengthened its traditional relations with Russia, which supports Algeria in this conflict. Algeria participated in military exercises with Russia in South Ossetia in October 2021 and is the third largest importer of Russian weapons in the world, after India and China, while Moscow is considered the first financier of the Algerian army with weapons and military systems at a rate of more than 50%, including submarines. Correspondingly, relations with China, which has invested in Algeria's infrastructure, have also warmed up.

Foreign and defense policy have territorial, economic, ethnic and cultural dimensions. The “paradox” of Russian policy was (and is) territorial expansion aimed at defense and security: to avoid “encirclement” and to ensure “strategic depth”. Territorial expansion aimed at creating “buffer zones” to protect the core of Russian territory that was exposed to external attacks. Russia wants to be perceived as a self-sufficient and self-sufficient great power that promotes its own interests, without being an “outpost” of other powers, “neither a guardian of the eastern borders of the West, nor a Western fortress of the East in the struggle for the new globality”.

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The emergence and “recognition” of Russia as a “great power” is due to its colossal territorial extent, its military potential and its cultural contribution. The promotion of Russian culture (tradition, intellectual creation, Orthodoxy) and its preservation at the center of international events are an important factor in Russian strategy. Foreign and security policy must ensure and protect the “Russian idea” which is distinguished in political (“conservative” Russian democracy, self-determination), social (respect for individual success while participating in common wealth), economic (solidarity and collective work, respect for property, “dialectical unity” of entrepreneurs and workers), theological (basic values ​​of the Orthodox faith) and cultural-ethical levels.