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THE NECESSARY INSTALLATION

THE CYPRUS PROBLEM TODAY

By A. MAKRYDIMITRIS

Professor, University of Athens

The facts are known to all and there is no need to repeat them here. It is enough to conclude that the development of things has indeed been relentless, mainly for the Greek side in Greece and Cyprus. While the larger and stronger of the countries involved demonstrated stability and consistency in their strategic pursuits over time, the smaller and weaker, namely, Greece and Cyprus, did not avoid backsliding, the lack of national understanding, coordination and cooperation, instability, strategic sloppiness and at times even surrender.

On the contrary, the Turkish side is decisively demonstrating some stable positions with the following individual characteristics. First, there is agreement among almost all political forces in the formulation and implementation of a long-term strategy, assisted for this purpose by the all-powerful National Security Council.

Secondly, their policy is characterized by increasing radicalism and assertiveness. Thus, the invasion of occupation troops in 1974 was followed by the declaration of the occupied parts of Cyprus as an independent state in 1983 and more recently (in 1998) the proposal for a confederation in Cyprus between two independent states. A proposal that Kofi Annan's plan for the comprehensive settlement of the Cyprus problem bypasses in the way that it bypasses it (without, that is, accepting it, but also without completely and clearly rejecting it). As for the relationship of Cyprus with the European Union, the Turkish side argues that there should be simultaneous accession of Turkey and the "Cyprus Confederation", which of course does not exist as a subject of international law.

On the other hand, and from the perspective of the international factor, the US, in particular, and the UK do not reject the Turkish positions. They negotiate with both sides in Cyprus on an equal footing, the official Republic of Cyprus and the unofficial Turkish Cypriot “state” and in fact promote the idea of ​​a federation on the island that may ultimately resemble a confederation (between two independent state entities).

In short, if this is the case, it is not simply a slide, on the contrary, it is a rapid and difficult to conceal degradation of the entire issue from the point of view of the interests and aspirations of Cypriot, especially Hellenism. Which leads to the conclusion that the need for a comprehensive and rigorous repositioning of the entire issue is now inescapable. Optimism and soft words are no longer enough. Half-truths and half-truths do not hide the dangerous development of things. And the question is: has the time not now come for a radical re-structuring of the national strategy for the Cyprus problem?

The core elements, the essential conditions of this strategy cannot be other and in any case cannot fail to include the following minimum conditions (a kind of "bottom line") for an elementally viable and functional solution to the Cyprus problem. Conditions which, let it be emphasized, correspond to and express the relevant UN Resolutions, the principles of International Law and the values ​​of the Community acquis:

Ensuring the unity of the state of the Republic of Cyprus, which corresponds to the geopolitical unity of the island and has one and a single international personality (one sovereignty, one citizenship, one international personality).

Formation of a single government for the entire territory with recognition of a high degree of local and regional self-government and autonomy (bizonal-bicommunal federation). The political expression of this system may include two representative bodies (Parliament, Senate), where in the first of these the appointment of its members is based on the principle of proportionality, in the second on the principle of equality between the federated parts. As for the executive power, it may be constituted at three levels (central, regional, local) with a corresponding escalation of responsibilities and competencies, in accordance with the principle of subsidiarity in the action of the state.

Ensuring conditions of freedom of establishment, movement, economic activity and possession of property in all regions of the island (the three freedoms of the "acquis communautaire"). Even if they are implemented gradually after the exhaustion of a transitional period, it is clear that the full integration of the new Cyprus into the common European structure and the corresponding political, economic and social culture is dependent on the observance of these principles, which are also under the guarantee of the European Court.

Respect for the basic principles of the rule of law, representative democracy, market economy and organized public services (principles that constitute the political-philosophical core of the "acquis communautaire").

Accession of the Republic of Cyprus to the European Union on exactly the same terms as all other candidate countries, without additional terms and conditions, otherwise Greece should be ready to veto any enlargement.

Last but not least, a prerequisite: the social and political forces in Greece and Cyprus must accept that they agree with the above and commit to putting them into practice with consistency and determination. The existence and operation of institutions of national understanding and cooperation, such as the long-awaited Foreign Policy Council, the conference of political leaders under the chairmanship of the President of the Republic, and even the joint conference of the corresponding institutions and bodies in Greece and Cyprus, are measures that have their importance at this critical historical moment.