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After Trump assumed the presidency, developments and reversals on the issue of Ukraine are almost daily. Possibly, the US and Russia will agree and impose on Kiev a cessation of hostilities and the conclusion of a peace treaty. This scenario will also be accompanied by the deployment of peacekeeping forces. Although Russia has rejected the deployment of troops from the Atlantic Alliance and the European Union, it is not ruled out that it will reverse course and accept such a proposal that will be approved by the Security Council. It is very likely that our country will accept the pressing request for the deployment of peacekeeping forces. In a more difficult scenario, the question of our participation in a coalition of "willing" European countries - which, in addition to the American "umbrella" - will offer security guarantees to Kiev - may be raised.

We are not, of course, talking about our participation in a campaign to liberate Ukrainian territory, but about a massive and possibly high-risk deployment of troops, under conditions that have not yet been determined.

But should Greece once again become involved in Ukrainian territory given the existing threats it faces on its borders from its expansionist neighbor?

Looking back at our recent history, 75 years ago (1950), the same dilemma was posed with urgency when our participation in the Korean War was requested. Greece was devastated by a decade of wars and occupation (1940-1949). Under these circumstances and with a state that survived thanks to external aid, economic, defense and food, the deployment of troops in an overseas campaign seemed unthinkable and the refusal of assistance politically impossible.

Eventually, the political world, for the most part, accepted the deployment of troops and by the end of 1950, six transport aircraft and a reinforced Infantry Battalion (Hellenic Expeditionary Force) arrived in distant Korea to fight to repel the North Korean invasion. Any justified hesitation to deploy ground troops (the decision to deploy the aircraft had been made earlier) was lifted when Ankara offered an Infantry Brigade. Of course, 187 Greek children did not return from distant Korea.

The reasons for the Greek decision to participate are multiple. A demonstration of gratitude to the USA, which, with the assistance of the “Truman Doctrine” and the “Marshall Plan”, saved the bourgeois regime and laid the foundations for the recovery of our economy. An expectation of security guarantees against a military invasion by the northern “People’s Democracies”. Greece – and Turkey – were trying fervently to obtain security guarantees by joining the Atlantic Alliance that was being formed (1949). We should not ignore the desire of the bourgeois parties to gain the favor of the American Embassy.

Ukraine is much closer than distant Korea. In some of its regions, Greek-born residents still live there, with an uninterrupted presence for centuries.

Despite this, it seems that the final decision on our participation (as then) will be driven by the need to prevent Ankara from being considered the strong and only defense partner in our region, let alone in an emerging, purely European collective security mechanism.

HIPPOKRATIS DASKALAKIS - Lieutenant General (retd), Doctor of International Relations, Member of the Board of Directors of ELISME

Published in the print edition of NEA on March 28, 2025.