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NEED FOR NATIONAL REPUBLIC IN GREECE AND CYPRUS

Nations that are concerned about their survival and well-being set strategic goals that they serve actively, methodically, within timetables and regardless of the change of governments. A prerequisite is the belief in the concept of “nation” which is completely different from the concept of “people”, since the former includes those who have left and those who will come. Those who belong to the nation serve it to the point of sacrifice within and outside the territory (e.g. the diaspora), while possibly parts of the people do not feel the same obligation (e.g. certain naturalized foreigners or ideologically internationalized citizens). It is therefore wise for the word “nation” to return dynamically to our education and to the Greek Parliament.

The submissive Turkey has not abandoned its expansionist claims against Greece and Cyprus, which are passively watching the Turkish shaping of a new reality. The decades-long Turkish claims in the Aegean and the SE Mediterranean are causing an addiction to a supernatural “normality”, so that the non-overflight of Turkish fighter jets over Greek islands is now considered a retreat and a sign of goodwill. When even “innocent” confidence-building measures (CBMs) provide for equal mutual retreats in the Aegean, which is the Greek backyard (six thousand islands and Greek waters with small pockets of international waters), a sense of co-ownership in this region is taking shape internationally. The usual argument for Greek combat capability is that the enemy's material superiority is balanced by the superiority in training of Greece's human resources. If this is also lost through the MOE (e.g., if exercises are not held frequently in the areas they will defend and which they must know "with their eyes closed"), it will be another bloodless victory for Turkey.

The new "normality" of Cyprus includes a large increase in the population of the occupied, the creation of air bases on the island, the qualitative upgrading of the occupying troops, multiple connections and dependence on Turkey (political, economic, energy, water supply, etc.), violation of the EEZ and illegal drilling, the opening of Famagusta, the massive promotion of Muslim immigrants to the South, a new civilian airport, an attempt at international recognition of the pseudo-state, constant threats and provocations, etc.). The maturation of these developments leads to the tacit acceptance of the new reality, with statements of a "good climate", Turkey's readiness for "sincere dialogue" and "approach to the West", while the Cyprus issue is constantly shifting towards Turkey's demands.

The new Turkish position of "two sovereign states in a loose confederation" lays the tombstone of Cypriot Hellenism. The bizonal bicommunal federation (DDO) supported by Greece and Cyprus with political equality (Turkey perceives it as a general right of 50% between minority and majority) leads in the best of cases to a new "Annan"-type plan that would turn the Republic of Cyprus into a protectorate.

The current reality in Cyprus was caused, among other things, by a multitude of our political mistakes. The national obligation towards the Greek Cypriots is total and without asterisks. The reasons are moral and patriotic (the Cypriots are part of the nation with a historical presence in all national struggles), they are legal (Greece forgets that it remains a guarantor power) but there are also reasons of vital interest (through Cyprus, Hellenism maximizes its geopolitical presence in the Eastern Mediterranean). Any loss of control in Cyprus would be equivalent to a major new national disaster.

Greece is unfortunately intolerant of learning from the past and repeats its mistakes. The Turkish absurdity and the international pressure are based on the underestimation of Greek power (rightly so?) and on the assessment that the weak will eventually enter a pre-planned one-way street. Cyprus remains vulnerable with its Achilles heel being air cover (a finding that has not been addressed since 1960). The land forces on the island do not have the size and equipment to ensure dominance. The Greek territory is becoming hostage to this situation because even in a potentially favorable development of a future crisis or conflict, the assessment of a possible unfavorable turn in Cyprus would prevent the exploitation of this favorable situation.

These thoughts and the resulting failed political practice so far lead to relentless questions for the political leaderships of Greece and Cyprus and require clear and not "vague", "political" answers:

1. Is the sovereignty and sovereign rights of Greece and Cyprus in immediate danger or not?
2. Do Greece and Cyprus partially exercise their sovereign rights or not?
3. Do we defend Cyprus like every other corner of Greece or not?
4. Is negotiation in geopolitical rather than legal terms based on power relations or not? For a favorable outcome, is a "good climate", a "sincere sudden change of heart by Erdogan" and "International Law" sufficient, or is military deterrence and political will to use force required, when necessary?
5. With current military strength, is it possible to prevail in the Aegean and Evros with the simultaneous liberation of Cyprus and security on the northern borders?
6. Can and should the defense industry be a fundamental development pillar and at the same time reliably support the Armed Forces?

Any negative view on the above questions leads to the initiation of spasmodic movements, appeasement, loss of initiative, painful and unsustainable compromise, as well as a constant concern for shifting the fate (not to hold on to the hot potato). If the questions are answered positively, then a difficult but necessary path must be followed with possible temporary political costs, which includes the following:

1. Greece and Cyprus are acquiring the philosophy, mentality and practice of "Israel", closely coordinating their movements (political, diplomatic, military).
2. The defense industry is becoming a fundamental development pillar, with which universities and research institutes are involved, utilizing allied and non-allied know-how.
3. Alliances are activated in practice mainly in terms of cynical mutual interest and secondarily in terms of International Law.
4. The alertness and morale of Greeks at home and abroad is strengthened. Public information becomes realistic and without embellishment.
5. National power is being rapidly maximized (military, diplomatic-allied, economic, legal, industrial, technological, diaspora, maritime, communication, etc.), in order to fully exercise the sovereign rights of Greece and Cyprus with a specific timetable of national choice.
6. The priorities of the armament programs are implemented in an interdisciplinary spirit and based on their deterrent effect.
7. Hydrocarbon deposits are being immediately exploited and the construction of the East Med pipeline is being zealously promoted.
8. A continuous effort to resolve the explosive combination of demographic and immigration issues, as a major interest of national survival. A continuous effort of education that, beyond knowledge, shapes conscious Greek citizens (e.g. core subjects at all levels are the Greek language, History and Greek thought).

The above is possible with the help of geography, modern technology and the timeless ability of the Greeks, provided that there is visionary political leadership, unwavering political will and a self-evident National Strategy.

24 – July – 2023

Vice Admiral (retd) V. Martzoukos PN

Honorary Commander of the Hellenic Navy

Vice President of EL.I.S.M.E.