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Anastasios Bassaras: The Dictator Kapodistrias… The Hellenic Republic of 1828… and the Ephemeral Professor of the “Greece 2021” Committee…

Anastasios Bassaras: The Dictator Kapodistrias… The Hellenic Republic of 1828… and the Ephemeral Professor of the “Greece 2021” Committee…

The Condemned Controversial Post
Professor of Philosophy of Law and Theory of Institutions at the National University of Athens and member of the “Greece 2021” Committee, Aristides Hatzis, had previously written an article about the country’s first governor, Ioannis Kapodistrias-Kapodistrias Dictatorship. On May 5, 2020, the Committee posted part of this article on its official Twitter, as follows:


''For Ioannis Kapodistrias, the first democratic and liberal constitutions were "a razor in the hands of a small child." Kapodistrias arrived in Aegina in January 1828, having already accepted the position of Governor in August 1827.
Therefore, since he considers the Constitution of Troezen to be a particularly dangerous razor, he suspends it & effectively declares it a dictatorship. This is the end of the First Hellenic Republic. But the democratic and liberal Greeks did not give up. They continued to fight for democracy and rights. Neither the modernizing Kapodistrian dictatorship, nor the Bavarians, nor the foreign powers were able to force them to tolerate an authoritarian regime.
With struggles and blood, they succeeded in 1844 in making Greece the first state in the world to establish universal male suffrage & in 1864 one of the first liberal parliamentary democracies in Europe.

The controversial post, understandably, caused a storm of reactions in the Greek Civil Liberties Union and beyond. Immediately after these reactions, the Commission published the following response:
''In response to the noise created by the "Greece 2021" Committee's post regarding I. Kapodistrias' comments on the Constitution of Troizina, we clarify the following:
With a program & consistency, since last February & for the next 20 months, the social media & the website of the “Greece 2021” Committee, serve this purpose. In this sense, the discussions that take place, to the extent that they are sober, we believe that they are fruitful.
"Alas, if 200 years later, we cannot calmly discuss the period of the Revolution. As long as the goal remains one: to honor it, because it, to a large extent, determined who we are today."

Later, on May 25, the Commission, under the weight of public reactions, took down the controversial 'Tweet', with the announcement:
'The article that appeared as a post on the committee's site has never been posted by the committee. It is a text that has been published previously on another site. Therefore, any discussion on the subject is invalid. The committee is already investigating this strange case.'
However, this - according to the committee - strange affair has caused great damage, both to the spirit and morale of the people, and to the work of the "Greece 2021" Committee, which for those who open and read its website (www.greece2021.gr/) is truly great, remarkable and important, with a barrage of articles, texts, lectures and counter-committees. We remind you that the purpose of the "Greece 2021" Committee is: 'to coordinate a comprehensive program of actions and events, beyond the planning of the celebration of the symbolic anniversary of 200 years since the Revolution, with the aim of re-establishing Greece, from the beginning of its modern history until today, over the course of these 200 years.' The first task of the Committee will be to create a Calendar in which all the actions that have been planned and are to be implemented by institutions, universities, Local Government organizations and other bodies will be recorded. The second task will be the management by the Plenary of the proposals that will be submitted to it by various bodies and individuals. The third and particularly important task of the Plenary will be the design of actions that will be proposed to the appropriate bodies, in order to implement them. Finally, the Committee has the legitimacy to act on behalf of the State, with the aim not of promoting someone or of owning the actions that will be taken, but of creating a positive dynamic within society for the 200th anniversary.

Ioannis Kapodistrias
   

Count I. Kapodistrias was a Greek diplomat and politician. He served as Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Russian Empire. He was born in Corfu on 10/2/1776. He was the sixth child of Antoniou-Maria Kapodistrias, a lawyer by profession, and Diamantina Gonemi, daughter of an aristocratic family originally from Cyprus. He came from an old Corfiot family. In 1477 the family is mentioned in the Golden Book of the nobles of the island.
He studied at the monastery of Agia Justina, where he learned Latin, Italian and French, and then settled in Venice. He studied Medicine at the University of Padua and after completing his studies he immediately returned to Corfu where he practiced the profession of physician-surgeon on a non-profit basis. At the same university he also studied Law and Philosophy.

Kapodistrias belonged to those who believed that the time had not come for the liberation of the Greeks. When Ypsilantis proceeded to declare the Revolution, he accused him of reinforcing the accusations of Jacobinism of Metternich and others with his foolish proclamations. Of course, when there was no way back, 'He tried in every way to convince the emperor to intervene immediately in war'.

By the resolution of the Third National Assembly, he was elected Governor of Greece. The idea of ​​being invited as governor of Greece was first formulated by A. Mavrokordatos in a letter to Dimitrios Ypsilantis, who also signed an invitation from Kapodistrias in 1822 and Petrobeis in 1824. An important role in the invitation of Kapodistrias to Greece was also played by Th. Kolokotronis, leader of the English party at the time, although, initially, he was against his election.

Finally, on 30 March 1827, at the Third National Assembly of Troezen, he was elected Governor of Greece for a seven-year term. According to the decisions of the assembly, the Governor would be bound by the Constitution of Epidaurus, as revised by the Assembly. His election was seen as a defeat for English foreign policy and a victory for Russia.

On January 18, 1828, ten months after the decision of the Third National Assembly of Troezen, he arrived in Nafplio, where he received an enthusiastic welcome, and four days later in Aegina, the first capital of the Greek state.

     

The MunicipalityState of Greece in 1828 and the Governor's Work


Let's see what the Republic of Greece was like then, from the first visit and briefing of the Governor by the then ministers, through the vivid narration of Aris Sfakianakis (The Shadow of the Governor):
The ministers of the previous government began to arrive. Mr. Iakovakis Neroulos introduced them one by one to Kapodistrias.
"Here comes the Minister of the Interior," said the poet, and pushed Anastasios Londos into the living room. He was a hunchbacked man with thin lips.
Kapodistrias shook his hand and asked him if he wanted tea. Londos refused.
Tell me, dear minister. How is the situation in the country? Asked Kapodistrias. "In a few words, please."
"Your Excellency," said Londos, "the state is nothing more than Aegina, Poros, Salamis, Megara and Eleusis. We still have a few islands in the Aegean, but we do not actually control them. The real masters there are the pirates."
Kapodistrias shook his head. “My first concern will be piracy,” he said. “It is a great harm to our country’s image abroad, and I am already receiving strong pressure from the Great Powers to suppress it.”
Londos cleared his throat. "If the Greeks find bread to eat, piracy will stop on its own," he said. "In any case, I wish you success in your work," he greeted with a slight tilt of his head and left the living room.

Then the minister passed by.ν Military. "We have neither an army nor ammunition," he said, "since Nafplio and the naval base are in the hands of Grivas. So I have nothing to say to your Excellency, regarding the ministry that I have directed until now."
“Don’t worry about Grivas, I know how to handle him,” said Kapodistrias. “As for the army…” “The army needs organization,” said the minister. “And, of course, money,” he added. “I spent eight months in Europe dealing with this very issue,” continued Kapodistrias. “I looked everywhere for financiers. I tried to negotiate a loan. I only met closed doors. Unfortunately, there is no money. We will have to work with what we have.”
The minister shook his head in disappointment and left with hunched shoulders.

The Minister of the Navy then entered. He spoke laconically. “Most of the ships are decommissioned in Poros,” he said. “Even the frigate Hellas is having difficulty moving. We need money for parts and sailors.”
When the Minister of the Navy left, Kapodistrias got up from his seat and began to pace around, troubled. He lit one cigarette after another.

The Minister of Justice, who came later, simply stated that he didn't have much to say, because, as he confessed, there were no courts or judges.

Last, the Minister of Finance presented himself to Kapodistrias. “Don’t be deceived, Your Excellency,” said the Minister. “Not only is there no money in the treasury, but there never was a treasury. And in fact, I say this with shame, I am not even in a position to pay the builders and carpenters for the repairs that were made to the house we had prepared for you to stay in.”
Kapodistrias took some money out of his pocket and counted out a few groschen. "Give them to the people, I don't like being in debt," he said. The minister mumbled some excuses, finally pocketed the money and disappeared.

The rest of the day, the Governor received the local factors. Everyone was asking for something. Kapodistrias was calmly taking notes. The most outrageous requests were heard. They thought, it seems, that the Governor had come bringing with him a new loan.
The military officers demanded salaries for their soldiers, and they quoted such figures as if they had the sultan's army under their command.
Politicians tried to consolidate their position with various tricks. And, when Kapodistrias asked for some people to help him in his work, everyone – if they did not propose themselves – suggested relatives and friends.

After a week of deliberations, Kapodistrias took matters into his own hands. He told the deputies and the government that, as things stood, the country needed the solid authority of a single man. At that particular moment, excessive democracy would harm the country. So either they would have to let him govern alone, or he would give up the effort and retire to Corfu to spend the remaining years of his life without any trouble. There was no other way, he explained to them.
The people were left speechless, but they finally submitted to his will.

All his terms were eventually accepted. In place of the Parliament, he created the "Panhellenic", an advisory body consisting of 27 members with an advisory character, a Senate body, while the government was taken over by the Central Secretariat, a kind of cabinet headed by himself. He also divided the country into administrative regions. Initially, he had committed to holding elections in April 1828, but then proceeded to postpone them, due to the chaotic situation prevailing at home. When they were held, well-founded accusations of fraud were made.
One of his first moves was to suppress piracy, a task that Andreas Miaoulis successfully undertook.
At the same time, he proceeded to reorganize the Armed Forces, gradually transforming the irregular troops into a regular army, and placing the fleet under the effective jurisdiction of the Government, given that until then the ships had been the property of the shipowners.
In this way, he tried to protect the borders and reduce the influence of the previous local rulers.
The effort to reorganize the army also includes the establishment of the Military Cadet School.
He founded a National Mint and established the phoenix as the national currency, replacing the Turkish groschen.
Regarding education, he built new schools, introduced the mutual teaching school, founded a church school in Poros, as well as the Aegina Orphanage. However, he did not establish a university, as he believed that there should be secondary school graduates first.
Kapodistrias failed to find a solution to the problem of the distribution of national land, and so millions of acres remained with the large landowners (the Kotzabasis and the Church). He also took care of the redesign and reconstruction of the destroyed Greek cities, such as Nafplio, Argos, Messolonghi and Patras, where he sent the Corfiot architect Stamatis Voulgaris.
Regarding the Greek economy, he showed particular interest in agriculture, Greece's main source of wealth. He founded the Agricultural School of Tiryns and encouraged the cultivation of potatoes, for which some action had already been taken in previous years.
Also, in an attempt to strengthen the Greek economy, he founded the National Financial Bank, which failed either because the public sector exploited the deposit money without conditions, or because of the opposition of the prominent people to the Kapodistrian regime and the lack of trust in this new institution.
Although he created a Greek and French printing house in Aegina, he carried out persecutions against the press.
There was also strong criticism for the placement of his two brothers, Viaros and Augustinos, in the two top positions of admiral and commander-in-chief respectively. By general admission, both were considered unsuitable for these positions, while some historians go so far as to believe that they played a decisive role in the downfall of the governor.

 

               

The Ephemeral Professor of the 'Greece 2021' Committee  

Let us now come to the infamous post by Professor Aristides Hatzis, who systematically distorts historical evidence to promote his own perceptions of history. This is not the first time, however, that at the end of March, in an attempt to mobilize Kapodistrias (known to be deeply Orthodox) against the Church, in relation to the closure of Churches during the first period of the coronavirus, he provoked the feelings of Orthodox Greeks by exclusively attributing the containment of the 1828 epidemic to the closure of churches and by questioning that the 1828 epidemic was caused by Ibrahim's Arabs!

Furthermore, it constitutes a serious distortion of the real conditions in which Kapodistrias operated, arriving in Greece at a time when, due to the civil strife and the corrosive action of Ibrahim, the Revolution was in its infancy. His contribution to the creation of an independent state is very important, since until then the plan, mainly of the English, was to create a vassal state to the Sultan with limited borders.

Finally, the professor's claim 'about a dictator' governor, under these circumstances, constitutes an insult to the elementary rules of historical science for someone who bears the title of History professor, since it is known that until his assassination, there were two electoral processes in Greece.

Unfortunately, choices like those of the 'etherevamon' professor have not only divided Greeks, instead of uniting them, but have also caused withdrawals - instead of him resigning or the Plenary Assembly expelling him - from the Committee, the latest being that of the distinguished history professor Maria Efthymiou.

It is also remarkable how Professor A. Hatzis fit in next to leading academics from America and England, such as: Mark Mazower, Roderick Beaton and Richard Clogg and Greek professors abroad: Eleni Glykatzi Arveler, Stathis Kalyvas, Dimitris Gontikas, etc.. To personalities of the Academy of Athens such as Vasilis Rapanos and historians such as Paschalis Kitromilidis, Kostas Kostis, Evanthis Hatzivasiliou, Maria Efthymiou, Elpida Vogli and Ioanna Laliotou, etc..

And, while Greece is going through a bad period in its modern history, and the danger from the East is at its gates, instead of having a truly national committee, which, in addition to the others mentioned in its mission, would also attempt to capture the true significance of the Revolution of 1821 for the strengthening of the Greeks' mentality, however, with people like Professor Hatzis, patriotism is undermined and a modern ethnonihilationism and rajadism is imposed as the dominant perception.

Sources:
Aris Sfakianakis: The Shadow of the Governor
https://www.greece2021.gr/
https://el.wikipedia.org/wiki/